It feels wonderful that some of his political manifesto theses are included in the PD statute, but Fatbardh Kadilli adds that his fight is not over. In an interview with Merita Haklaj, the former Democratic Party candidate for party leader admits that his main obstacles for the DP are strengthening the statute and changing the mentality. He asserts that the latter is a perilous mentality that must be confronted, as the majority assimilates the minority. Worship of the leader, he claims, is the behavior that threatens the DP today.
“When these proposals are approved and implemented, such as the limitation of the mandate with the loss of the mayor and the installation of primaries, I feel happy. I am pleased that Berisha incorporated a portion of the manifesto in his campaign for political office. I’d want to see that PD skeleton structured as part of what I recommended a year ago. My slogan applies to all types of chairmen, not only Mr. Basha. My fight does not end with the inclusion of mandate and primary limitation in the act. One piece of paper is insufficient. My fight is for a better statute than this one , for meaningful improvements, and for mentality reform. The most difficult issues are improving the statute so that what was determined is carried out. You need solid guarantees to hold truly primaries, as well as a mental war. We have a hazardous mentality that needs to be confronted, one that is characterized by subordination to the majority and admiration for the leader. It is not appropriate for us to become Bolsheviks as a right-wing party. The majority assimilated the minority, but the minority had some legitimate grounds for engaging in politics. We absorb the minority if we put ourselves on it with the authority of the majority. Today’s behavior that threatens the DP is admiration for the leader, Berisha, and majority pressure.”
The major issue for Kadilli is whether the DP will have a different political project than Berisha and Basha.
“The manifesto for the DP’s resurrection will be distinct from the DPs of Berisha and Basha. Berisha chose those who suited him and shunned others because he wanted to control the party. He has the attraction of a leader, of authority, and there were many who saw him as a means for resolving the crisis, which did not occur. The issue is whether or not this party will have a political platform. This does not exist solely to benefit us in politics. And the project in which Berisha appears to have taken over the party has been halted; the project, the individuals who backed Berisha were divided into two groups: those who supported him and those who despised Basha. What unfolded on January 8th was a confrontation of gangs and tribes, not a project or a celebration. Berisha should have waited for the court verdict; why was he in such a hurry?”
According to Kadilli, what is already taking place in the DP is a process of eradicating anti-resistance rather than unification. According to him, the Berisha culture must be rejected and the DP must unite in values and principles in order to be reborn, but this cannot happen until the April 30 assembly because there is insufficient time.
“There is no time because April 30 is only a few weeks away. Many things have to be accommodated as alternative projects in these few weeks; Berisha’s project, which lacks a text, now has nothing to say after he evicted Basha; people in politics have begun their careers without knowing how he will accommodate them. Third, how will this party interact with others? How can the party grow to be larger than the leader? I admire the political will. Recruiting Berisha’s resistance islands is not a union; what we are witnessing is a process of removing anti-resistance. This party has a long history of anti-Berishism, a rejection of Berisha’s culture, which has been rejected since 1992, 1997, and afterwards, and there has always been rejection; certain individuals have exploited it in their political campaigns and rhetoric. People believe this for political reasons, and as a result, the party is smaller than Berisha’s. Berisha has also lost and should not return; let’s not deal with Berisha and Basha, but with the political project; join the values and bring a political project, how to become the best government.”
And, under these circumstances, when the DP cannot absorb all of its membership, Kadilli wonders how he can bring new energy and ideas to himself while insisting on fighting his political battle till the establishment of his project.
“I believe we are in the same scenario as those with Berisha and Basha. I want to fight the political battle, and I will do so until I see this party formatted on paper exactly as I imagined it. This party is no longer able to absorb all of its members within itself, and it is no longer able to draw energy and cause ideas from society and incorporate them into its own structure. This is hampered by poor leadership and a slow pace of change.”
Basha lacked credibility in the Democratic Party, which holds fond memories of Sali Berisha in the same way that he harbors fond memories of Enver Hoxha”, according to Kadilli, when asked why the Democrats abandoned Lulzim Basha rather than Sali Berisha, who has been designated non-grata by the United States.
“Basha’s abandonment was simple because he is the most untrusted man; in essence, it is never someone’s support that makes you a politician, but your ability to be trusted by your own people, and if you are not trustworthy by your own people, you are not trustworthy by the rest of the world. Partnering with your coworkers, members, and voters demonstrates that you are a partner. Basha faced this problem; he lacked trust in the party because he was Berisha’s preferred candidate. As for Berisha, there is nostalgia in the Democratic Party for the golden moments when Berisha was in office, just as there is for Enver Hoxha.
These are not political motivations, he claims, but rather personal.
“However, these are personal and psychological causes, not political ones.”
The party now has either people who put fines and support Basha, or corrupt people who support Berisha.”
According to Kadilli, everyone who is responsible for raising the DP must find a solution for Berisha, Basha, and Alibeaj by drawing parallels.
“Basha will appear in court records until the DP goes to register with another leader, and he will be until another one is chosen. Alibeaj was given the task by Basha. Berisha has yet to be mandated. Every builder has disagreements with the owners. We have former owners such as Berisha, those who profited for free such as Basha and Alibeaj, and the one who constructed his own. Everyone who is required to establish a PD must find a solution to these three problems. On paper, we cannot dismiss the issue of who the chairman is. The United States has spoken out against Berisha. And this is the truth “, emphasizes Kadilli, who adds that he has been estranged from Berisha since before the American decision since he believes the DP should be different than what Berisha and Basha offers.
“My divorce is from the political model, and when Berisha returns, he sinks the party”, Kadilli declared.
He underlines that he reached the DP with ideas rather than through the government, whereas Berisha, according to him, is powerful in numbers.
“When you have a structure, it has a value. I’d rather be those who trade beliefs and values for ideas. My fight is to be heard till the end. I impose myself with thoughts rather than numbers. Berisha is suffocated by numbers. He is good with statistics, whereas I am good with ideas. At this point, the war of ideas is more essential than the battle of numbers. I did not approach through power; I invited them to the ideas that with these we can change and win all together.”
How does Fatbardh Kadilli see Sali Berisha’s language today, with the allegations and then the removal of the epithets against Basha, and so on?
“Since Berisha was president and I am an advisor, one of the things that has kept me at a distance from him has been his harsh and purposeful rhetoric, which he uses to strengthen his detachment and incite hostility. wiThe right wing does not hate; the right wing unifies,” argues the former Democratic MP on “Interiew with Merita Haklaj.”
He adds something more, drawing on instances from the past.”
The second issue is a lack of consistency. The former fervent communist turned fervent anti-communist. Excellent. In 1994, he was the fanatic who exiled Leka I, and in 1997, he was the hardened Zogist who granted Leka full access to the kingdom.
Tritan Shehu and I reacted when he became the most extreme liberal, telling Rama that he had done nothing for homosexual marriage. He used to be a liberal, but now he’s a conservative. He referred to Nano as the nation’s scum, and a year and a half later, he sought to make him president. Lulzim Doorlock, he referred to the former Democratic Party leader, and he does so again now. There is no one who does not recognize this as a consistent disregard for the word you use. You can change your attitude, but there must be a compelling reason for doing so. What converted Fatos Nano from one of the Balkans’ most corrupt guys to a presidential candidate, and what changed Basha. These things do not offer a politician seriousness,” adds Kadilli.
This lack of consistency, he claims, has historically hurt the Democratic Party. Since 1992, the PD has only gained two points over the SP, and there has been no triumph as a result. God forbid that Fatos Nano went insane in 2005, when he told himself that the candidates on the left had a 10% difference. In my opinion, Berisha was the most capable Albanian politician in the last 100 years, bright but not the best,” Kadilli told A2 CNN.
Fatbardh Kadilli, a Democratic Party member, demonstrated the only way Edi Rama can be defeated in “Interview” with Merita Hakljan on A2 CNN.
“Edi Rama is destroyed by his honesty. Rama is ecstatic when someone is accused of corruption or of selling out the opposition. He feels threatened when he confronts someone who has never been accused of corruption. Edi Rama’s destruction is his dedication, honesty, and passion for his nation. Love is demonstrated by those who do not hide behind authority and majority, but instead have the bravery to stand alone. I’ve stayed in the war on my own and will continue to do so. And the battle is breathtaking “Kadilli stated.
“Whether cannabis or fiscal amnesty, Edi Rama has the tools to put into the economy what presently is dirty money,” Kadilli said of the National Counseling. He does not know the administration, he has no economic ideas, the economy is not structured, and he has been in the country for 30 years. This occurred after the prime ministers, particularly Sali Berisha, pursued the ideology of power. Edi Rama’s attempt to develop a new economic framework for Albania falls short. No social class is well served by the economy we have created. But this is not an economy, and this is not a government. Even oligarchs, who are hired by the state but are paid millions of euros every month.
Some argue that Berisha’s actions will help to develop a process in which he may not be the chairman. Fatbardh Kadilli, on the other hand, does not believe in this possibility. “My discussions with colleagues have been centered on the fact that Berisha came into this job with the intention of gaining complete control of the party. As long as he imposes authority, the idea of a party larger than the chairman and others is futile. “Sali Berisha’s party” is his model, as is Ilir Meta’s party, but it is not the Democratic Party that I prefer,” he told A2 CNN.
Alternatively, consider Rama’s model. “To win, we must do things differently than Rama. We can’t go into the polls with the mentality of a little party that can’t do anything without friends and that our elections are stolen. Albanians recognize our disconnection from reality.”
Kadilli employs a historical example to demonstrate this distance. “It reminds me of 1991, when communist officials couldn’t figure out why people no longer supported the Labor Party. They were oblivious to what was going on around them. Even the DP has its nostalgia for power and what it has done in the past. What we do now is critical “, Kadilli adds.
He claims that “Rama will win the fourth mandate with Berisha. Berisha is robbing the Democratic Party of time. If there is an open competition, I will be in front of him. Today, I provide a much more current and promising alternative to Sali Berisha’s. We need to modernize our party, and I cannot bring back those who left. What does it matter? Will someone who has never appeared before arrive? A person with a cause?”
Berisha, the best politician in 100 years but not the finest, has two major weaknesses, according to Kadilli.
Kadilli said of Enkelejd Alibeaj as commanding chairman, “so far he has been an island of opposition in the DP, the motive of Alibeaj and Basha is different.” There are fewer calculations because Alibeaj is real. Motives do not interest me; they may be pragmatic or career-oriented, but they have preserved an attitude and should be respected for it. Nobody possesses the parliamentary group’s legitimacy. The Assembly of December 11 has 4600 votes, whereas the parliamentary group has 600 thousand votes “..